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Gap between the law and practice of environmental law keeping you up at night? Download this e-book now!

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Do you believe that environmental justice in India cannot wait for our governance to become transparent and accessible?

Do you feel that the lasting impact of environmental degradation in India requires affected communities to take immediate steps?

Then you will be just as thrilled as us to read this series of essays by Kanchi Kohli.

These essays distill her enormous experience of effectively moving the levers of environmental governance while working with affected communities. For those who want to work to secure environmental justice, it contains important lessons. Click this link and download this e-book now!

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Litigation Skills Specialised

My land is lying unused. Can I have it back? How to initiate repatriation under the 2013 land acquisition law

CommunitiesAndLegalAction_KanchiKohliEven as presentations were underway at a meeting on land rights somewhere in the capital, a lady seated next to me craved some specifics. “What is the latest with the land acquisition process in the country? Someone told me that I could actually get my land back? It had been taken away a decade ago.” Pushpa behan was among several people who had come for the meeting from the eastern part of the country and had lost her land to the expansion of a government-owned iron ore mine.

I pulled out the latest version of the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013 (“The RFCLARR Act). I knew that some of its clauses would apply to the question that she had raised.

We were temporarily distracted by a voice from the dais that informed the audience that the RFCLARR Act had replaced an 1894 land acquisition law under which the government had the power to acquire land for public purposes. A notice and a short time frame to move out of your home is all that people had. The RFCLARR Act had faced criticism but it had come a long way from the 1894 law and had linked the process of land acquisition with corresponding resettlement and rehabilitation obligations.

During a short tea break, we decided to step out to the canteen to talk at length. Our discussion soon revealed that about 20 families had lost about 100 hectares of agricultural land when the state government had issued them notices for evacuation. While their homes remained with them, the loss of their land had an impact on their source of livelihood. While she did not have many details, she also knew of others who had faced similar issues in neighbouring areas.

When we sat down to look at the Hindi version of the law together, I read out the two relevant clauses. Since the legalese was difficult to fathom, we broke it down. Just as we were talking, a few others from her village joined us. It was turning out to be an impromptu study session.

Section 101 is clear and simple. It says that “when any land acquired under this Act remains unutilised for a period of five years from the date of taking over the possession, the same shall be returned to the original owner or owners or their legal heirs, as the case may be, or to the Land Bank of the appropriate Government by reversion in the manner as may be prescribed by the appropriate Government.” This however, applies only to land acquired under the 2013 law. That was not the case with Pushpa behan’s land.

Image from Vinoth Chandar's photostream on Flickr. CC BY 2.0

Image from Vinoth Chandar’s photostream on Flickr. CC BY 2.0

I asked Pushpa and the others if they had received any “award” or been paid compensation following the notice that their land was being acquired. Under the 1894 law, an award had to be issued by a District Collector or District Magistrate (depending on the state). Such an award would include details such as the true area of the land, the amount of compensation due, and the list of people among whom the compensation would be apportioned. Three scenarios could have emerged:

(1) no award was issued;

(2) an award was issued; and

(3) an award was issued but the physical possession of land was not taken and no compensation was paid.

Is repatriation possible?

Clauses (1) and (2) of Section 24 of the RFCLARR Act deal with these three scenarios. When no actual award was issued pursuant to a land acquisition notice under the 1894 law, then all the provisions related to compensation in the 2013 law would apply under Section 24(1)(a). The compensation available under the 2013 law is much higher and has to be determined using a range of criteria including market value of the land and damages incurred by standing crops or trees.

But this was not the case with Pushpa behan and the others from her village. They fell into the third category. Even though an award had been made in relation to the land that had been acquired, no compensation had been paid and physical possession of the land had not taken place for over eight years. Under Section 24(2), in such a situation, the proceedings of land acquisition undertaken so far would be deemed as lapsed and a fresh process would now need to be initiated under the 2013 law. This includes a detailed process of social impact assessment and the seeking of the consent of 70 per cent of the landholders in case the project is a public sector project or 80 per cent if there is private sector involvement.

(Left) The former Union Minister for Rural Development, Shri Jairam Ramesh addressing a press conference on Land Acquisition Bill, in Jaipur on September 15, 2013. (Right) The Union Minister for Road Transport & Highways and Shipping, Shri Nitin Gadkari addressing a Press Conference, during an Interaction with Farmer's Association on land acquisition, in Hyderabad on June 01, 2015. Both images from PIB.

(Left) The former Union Minister for Rural Development, Shri Jairam Ramesh addressing a press conference on Land Acquisition Bill, in Jaipur on September 15, 2013. (Right) The Union Minister for Road Transport & Highways and Shipping, Shri Nitin Gadkari addressing a Press Conference, during an Interaction with Farmer’s Association on land acquisition, in Hyderabad on June 01, 2015. Both images from PIB.

Does this mean that we have a chance to say no to this acquisition and possibly get back our land?” one person in the group enquired. In principle, yes, I said, but we still had to test it out. The 1894 law had no provision for social impact assessment or any provision about seeking consent and that is why many project authorities feel that the 2013 law would make it impossible for land to be acquired.

He asked, “if the compensation had been paid and physical possession taken in the last 5 years, then this possibility would not arise, right?” That’s what the law says as of now, I replied.

What next?

Several groups across the country have taken steps with the help of lawyers to get better compensation or to restart land acquisition processes under the 2013 law. In fact there is recent news that Reliance Industries has challenged this legal provision in the Gujarat High Court in response to a case filed by farmers.

But the 2013 law does not say that these processes need to be initiated through the courts alone. It is perhaps even possible to do so by approaching the departments that had first initiated land acquisition proceedings and where the records lie.

It would have been useful to have a set of executive rules to enable these provisions but the two and half years of the existence of this law has seen such resistance from the government that little attention has been paid to issue enabling rules. The clauses we had discussed were at the heart of a series of ordinances promulgated to amend the 2013 law and which were allowed to lapse last year.

For now, we know that these provisions are in place and are open for all to use. Pushpa smiled, took the copy of the Hindi text of the law from me and said, “Well, we have the clause in our favour for now and we have to try and use it. Get our paperwork in order and get going.” The half and hour we spent discussing what was and what could be had opened many doors.

Kanchi Kohli is a researcher working on law, environment justice, and community empowerment.

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Litigation Specialised

A railway line through a forest belt – environmental impact assessments and forest rights

CommunitiesAndLegalAction_KanchiKohliSarita tai was worried about the construction of a railway line between the iron ore mine and the railhead located 30 kilometres from the village she worked at. At least 15 kilometres of this railway line would cut through an important part of the central forest belt. She called me with many questions: What was the process for taking permissions for using forestland for railway lines? Had this process been completed? What was the role of the gram sabha? What if the forest rights of people had not been fully recognised yet?

Some of these answers came easy but the others required the study of some recent circulars and directions of the environment ministry, the tribal affairs ministry, and the National Green Tribunal (“NGT”).

EIAs for railway lines

Surprising as it may seem, the railway line and its related infrastructure are not in the list of projects that need to go through the procedure laid out in the EIA Notification, 2006 issued under the Environment Protection Act, 1986. We have long tried to find the logic behind it, but without success. Railway projects simply do not require an environment impact assessment and a public consultation for an environmental clearance.

If the railway line is separated from the other components of the project like it was in the case of the mine that Sarita tai was worried about, it could easily avoid the environment impact assessment process. The mine had been up and running for the last year and the proposal for the railway line was only mooted much after the environment clearance was procured for the mine.

Forest diversion and the felling of trees

All non-forest use requires the user agency to seek prior approval under the Forest Conservation Act, 1980. There is a detailed procedure under Section 2, which remains away from public eye and only within negotiations between forest department officials; the Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change (“MoEFCC”); and the user agency.

Until recently, no activity related to a project could be carried out for any non-forest use until the entire procedure, which includes a two-stage approval by the MoEFCC and an order by the government of the state where the forest is located, was completed. Felling trees would be illegal without it.

But during the last year, the MoEFCC has allowed the felling of trees to be carried out after a project receives “Stage 1 approval”, that is, the approval of the MoEFCC. This approval often contains conditions including additional studies related to hydrology, impact on wildlife, identification of compensatory afforestation land and others that have a bearing on whether the forest diversion should be approved or not. But in the case of linear projects such as railways, highways or transmission lines, the MoEFCC has attempted to be create a “simplified procedure.”

In a set of guidelines issued on May 7, 2015 and subsequently updated on August 28, 2015, the ministry said that to allow for the speedy execution of these projects, the in-principle approval will be enough to allow for both tree cutting and commencement of work if all “compensatory levies” and a wildlife conservation plan are ready.

Sarita tai was livid. The last time she had seen an in-principle approval, it listed 27 important conditions including that of redoing some important assessments. What is the point going through the remaining procedure for this project if the work can commence and trees can be cut, she asked. It defeats the entire purpose of any safeguards or conditions levied.

train_jungleI agreed and told her that these guidelines had been challenged before the NGT. In January 2015, the NGT first restrained the felling of trees after Stage 1 approval, but subsequently reviewed the order in the light of an affidavit submitted by the MoEFCC. In its direction, the NGT concluded that the while tree felling and commencement of work might be allowed for linear projects it would be treated as an order under Section 2 of the FCA and therefore can be challenged before the NGT. This is important to understand because the NGT had previously ordered that only those orders issued finally by state governments activating forest diversions could be brought before it. Till then no commencement of work or tree felling could be allowed.

The MoEF’s May 7 and August 28, 2015 guidelines lay down that while the “simplified” procedure for the speedy execution of linear projects remains in place an “aggrieved person” now has the option to approach the NGT with an appeal against this order.

Forest rights and linear projects

I knew that Sarita tai would also ask about the recognition of the rights of forest dwelling communities who have historically either lived or used the forest that is sought to be diverted. The Scheduled Tribes And Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition Of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 mandates the recognition of individual and community forest rights of tribal and other forest dwelling communities.

On August 3, 2009, the MoEFCC issued an important circular, which, among other things, clarified that no diversion of forest land for non-forest use would take effect unless the process of recognition of rights had been completed. It also said that the consent of the gram sabhas would be required before the diversion process can be given effect. This has also been re-iterated and confirmed by the Ministry of Tribal Affairs (“MoTA”), which oversees the implementation of the FRA.

In the villages that Savita tai was working in, several of the community forest rights claims were still pending final approval and the grant of individual rights had been contentious as people had only received rights over a part of the forest land that had been claimed. In their view, their rights over the forests were yet to be recognised. So the first question that came to our mind was whether the forest diversion and tree cutting could have come into affect if the recognition of rights was pending. The gram sabha (village assembly) had confirmed that their consent had not been sought.

This issue had been a bone of contention between the MoTA and the MoEFCC since 2013. While the MoEFCC had claimed through their February 5, 2013 circular that the requirement of the gram sabha consent could be dispensed for linear projects, the MoTA, the nodal ministry, said that the MoEFCC had no authority to make such an interpretation. All projects, linear or non-linear, had to be treated equally regarding forest diversions and consent provisions.

These different interpretations continue to operate and the MoEFCC has been approving proposals for forest diversion and allowing for tree felling for linear projects, interpreting that a gram sabha nod was not required, especially in cases where there has been an assurance from the state government that either the rights under FRA have been recognised or are in the process of being so.

A worrying scenario

Thus, with no requirement of EIAs once a railway line is segregated from other aspects of a project; tree felling permitted after in-principle approvals; and tentative interpretations for gram sabha consent; the situation did not seem very encouraging to Sarita tai and the affected people that she was working with. They could however, still petition the concerned ministries. No doubt, the fate of the project and the forest dependent people could still lie in bureaucratic interpretations and the application of mind by expert committees.

With no court action on the anvil immediately and the affected communities clearly aligned to question both the FCA guidelines and the dilution of the consent provisions; its anyone’s guess whether the railway line will be built or not. But it once again raises questions about why any project, which has a far-reaching impact on forests, wildlife, and people, should be granted exemptions from basic environmental scrutiny and  stringent safeguards. Meanwhile, people like Sarita tai have to grapple with many interpretations of the law on a case-by-case basis.

Kanchi Kohli is a researcher working on law, environment justice, and community empowerment.

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Litigation Specialised

After the de-allocations – What happens to the clearances given to coal blocks, now up for auction again?

ItCommunitiesAndLegalAction_KanchiKohli made news last year when the Supreme Court of India “de-allocated” 214 coal blocks. The process of the allocation, the Court held, was illegal and arbitrary. Not all of them were operational, but where they were, the owners had to stop operations. While 42 of them got a six-month reprieve and four were “saved”, the remainder had to halt any mining operations with immediate effect.

All but 4 of the de-allocated ones have, as on April 1, 2015, entered into a process of auctions where either the current lease holders or someone else could emerge the highest bidder. Following the passing of the Coal Mines (Special Provisions) Act, 2015 in March 2015, the Ministry of Coal had published the details of the auction process. All these coal blocks may soon have new owners.

Given the changed circumstances, there is doubt among communities and activists about what is likely to happen next and how they should prepare for it. For example, for those who had prepared a legal challenge on environmental irregularities, where do remedies now lie? How should they prepare? To the affected communities, the impacts, unresolved illegalities, and the environmental and social liabilities of the coal blocks that are up for auction remain just as relevant.

Questions asked about clearances to coal blocks

Many of these coal blocks, whether or not they had started operations, had received “clearances” from the Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change (“MoEFCC”) after completing the necessary procedures. These approvals were challenged in courts, on the streets, and through petitions before the executive. For instance, when the Supreme Court delivered its judgment, a challenge to the forest clearance granted to the Mahan coal block in Madhya Pradesh was pending before the National Green Tribunal.

Similarly, the public hearing of the Parsa coal block in Chhattisgarh had been completed in the face of stiff opposition. Questions had also been raised about whether due process had been followed for impact assessment and public hearings. The NGT had quashed the approval for forest diversion given to the the neighbouring coal bloc in Parsa East Kanta Besan and had sent the matter back to the MoEFCC for re-examination. The stay on the mining and transportation of the already dug up area was lifted by the Supreme Court soon after.

The affected villagers and campaign groups had also pointed out that the presence of an elephant habitat near the mining site was not disclosed and that the mandatory site inspection was done in a casual manner. Questions were also raised about the circumstances under which the environment ministry had, under directions from the empowered group of ministers, approved the project.

What happens to the matters before the Green Tribunal?

Mahan and a few other coal blocks, whose environment or forest diversion approvals had been challenged before the National Green Tribunal (“NGT”), were included in the Supreme Court’s de-allocation list. What did this mean? Did the appeals become infructuous? The NGT on September 26, 2014, while hearing the two cases filed against the Mahan coal block (Appeal No.18 of 2014 and Appeal No.34 of 2014) and also the PEKB coal block, held “the cause of action raised by the Appellant does not subsist any longer.” They also held that that the rights and contentions in relation to the “forest clearance” would be transferred to the third party who would get the coal block.

While dismissing another case challenging the environment clearance given to a BALCO coal block (Appeal No. 46 of 2012), on October 9, 2014, the NGT upheld the right of appeal in accordance with law. This meant that if the environmental clearance is transferred to another allottee, it does not take away the right of a legal challenge both on procedural lacunae and on the merits of assessment. This is yet to be tested before the tribunal but the order is in place.

MoEFCC Clarification

Both the EIA Notification and the process laid out under the Forest Conservation Act, 1980 for forest diversion allow for transferring the approval to another project authority, during the course of assessment or even after approvals are granted. For instance Section 11 of the EIA notification says, A prior environmental clearance granted for a specific project or activity to an applicant may be transferred during its validity to another legal person entitled to undertake the project or activity on application by the transferor, or by the transferee with a written “no objection” by the transferor, to, and by the regulatory authority concerned, on the same terms and conditions under which the prior environmental clearance was initially granted, and for the same validity period. No reference to the Expert Appraisal Committee or State Level Expert Appraisal Committee concerned is necessary in such cases.”

On March 23, 2015, there was an additional clarification to Section 11 of EIA notification through an amendment. This allowed for the transfer of environment clearance on the terms above, in case “an allocation of coal block is cancelled in any legal proceeding; or by the Government in accordance with law”.

As on date, the environment clearances of 29 coal blocks have been transferred. Some of these are for approvals granted as far back as in 2000. The approval for  the captive underground coalmine village of Milupara Kondkel in Raigarh, Chhattisgarh is one such. It now stands transferred from Monnet Ispat to Hindalco. The most recently granted environmental approval that has been transferred is for the Ganeshpur Opencase mine in Latehar in Jharkhand. Here, the transfer is from Tata Steel to GMR Chhatisgarh Energy Ltd. Tata Steel had received the approval in January 2014, about seven months before the Supreme Court ruling.

For any affected community and for any of us working on the environment or the social and environmental impacts of coal blocks, this is an important space to watch. Many coal blocks where approvals are pending or where mining operations have not been initiated, are not yet on the radar of re-allocations and other revised regulatory approvals. A lot is likely to be tested in and outside of courts where communities and community-based organisations are involved in legal action.

Kanchi Kohli is a researcher working on law, environment justice, and community empowerment.

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Litigation Specialised

Behind the pipeline – legal strategies to combat unknown sources of water pollution

CommunitiesAndLegalAction_KanchiKohliIt was a hot summer afternoon in central India. Four of us had spent all morning taking a close look at an underground coalmine, its housing colonies, roads, transportation area, and other support infrastructure. We stopped to chat with workers at a local teashop. Even though we were fascinated and moved by their stories, we had to move on.

We had come to this place to understand how an important river had been polluted and the impact of this pollution. For many villages, this river and its feeder streams were important sources of water for drinking and for irrigation.

Across the road from the boundary wall of the mine, visible under a muddy patch of the road where we stood, was the mouth of a metal pipe. It was discharging thick black slurry. The slurry was heading straight into a stream flowing along the road. It was difficult to ascertain the source of the slurry in the pipe. Instead of following the pipe, we decided to follow the slurry.

After walking along the stream till it was not possible to trek any further, we met a resident of the area. “This polluted stream meets our river”, he said. “We are not able to use water from the river confidently any more. We are not even sure if it is fit for cattle. We have no clue what the black slurry is bringing with it.”

It was true. When we drove down towards the main river, we saw that it had been contaminated. There was no way to tell whether the water was poisonous or not. But it was clear that the discharge from the pipeline had been collecting on the river bed and blocking the easy flow of the river. Other residents of the area told us that the water flow is much stronger on some days.

Picture courtesy Kanchi Kohli

Picture courtesy Kanchi Kohli

To me, the veracity of their apprehension was just as big a question as whether the discharge should have been allowed in the first place. Since no one really knew who was responsible for constructing the pipeline and getting away with the effluent discharge, we had to understand the possible legal options for two scenarios – one where we knew who was responsible for the effluent discharge and one where that was not the case.

Almost all industries, mines and infrastructure activities where there is possibility of water extraction or water contamination are regulated at least by two laws: the Environment Protection Act, 1986 (“EPA”) and the Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1974 (“Water Act”). These industrial activities or processes would have also had to take approval under the Environment Impact Assessment Notification, 2006 (“EIA notification”) and seek consent under the Water Act.

When the source of pollution is known

If formal or informal sources indicated that the underground mine was indeed the source of the pollution, the course of action would be to immediately collect copies of the permissions granted under the EIA notification and the consent to operate letter from the relevant pollution control board.

Both the EIA-related permission (“environment clearance”) and the “consent to operate” are likely to have conditions related to how the polluted water to should be treated and where it should be discharged.

For instance, an environment clearance letter would say: “Mine water discharge and/or any wastewater should be properly treated to conform to the prescribed standards before reuse/discharge”. If this was mentioned in the approval given to the underground mine, then the discharge of the slurry into the stream would constitute a legal violation.

Sections 25 and 26 of the Water Act would also specifically be applicable to the underground mine. The project owners would have had to seek an approval from the Pollution Control Board clearly indicating the quantum and place of discharge. In their “consent to operate” letter, it is likely that the Pollution Control Board would have mentioned that coal waste should not be released into the neighbouring stream.

Environment clearance is a one-time permission given either by the Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change or a state environment impact assessment authority. On the other hand, the consent to operate needs to be renewed every year by the relevant pollution control board, in charge of checking water pollution. For industries, the validity of the approval is five years to initiate the operations. No renewals are required thereafter. It is these pollution control boards or their regional offices, which also monitor whether these conditions are being followed.

When the source of pollution is not known

“But, there is no way we can find out the source of the pipeline. Only the discharge point is visible to us. However, we know that every 10-12 days, the discharge is much heavier than other days and the river is dark. Is there anyone we can complain to about this? , a teenaged schoolgirl, who had been overhearing our conversation, asked.

The Water Act has a clear objective of “prevention and control of water pollution and the maintaining or restoring of wholesomeness of water”. Pollution control boards (“PCBs”) set up under this law, have the responsibility for ensuring this. In fact, since 1974, these PCBs have been empowered by Section 17 (a) of the law to “to plan a comprehensive programme for the prevention, control or abatement of pollution of streams and wells”

Section 24 of the Water Act relates to prohibition of the use of a stream or a well for the disposal of polluting matter, by anyone. It did not really matter therefore, if we did not know the source of pollution. The PCB or its regional office could be asked to take action. People could meet the relevant officials or, as environmental groups or people with the help of civil society organisations have often done, file a written complaint.

Not surprisingly, my explanation was dismissed by a few in the group. “Why should we take the headache of going through all this paperwork when it is the responsibility of the government”, said one of them who seemed to be visiting his village from the neighbouring town. “No one cares about our place, or river”, another remarked.

I did not have any strong reason to disagree with the second remark. It is true that many regulatory procedures related to the environment are yet to be implemented to their true potential. Close to forty years of water pollution law in India and our rivers are still being polluted.

But I responded to the former remark. There is much to be desired from our regulatory institutions and  they hide behind the excuses of lack of personnel and “pressures” leading to inaction. The filing of complaints before them however, remains an option for those who are affected. By not filing any complaints, are we not accepting the inaction? Perhaps an increase in evidence-based complaints can push the institutions to respond?

The extent to which affected people are willing to take their chances is a big question.

Kanchi Kohli is a researcher working on law, environment justice, and community empowerment.