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Judicial appointments – old debate, new faces

The debate about who should appoint judges to the higher judiciary is back on the table. The independence of the judiciary is a key question in our democracy and I think it was the Union Minister of Law and Justice, Kapil Sibal, who put it back there. The Hindu quotes him arguing for a voice for the executive in the appointment of judges.

Mr. Sibal speaks
The Union Minister for Law and Justice speaks

This elicited some response from the Bar. Anil Divan, the President of the Bar Association of India, criticised the secrecy surrounding the Judicial Appointments Commission Bill and argued that Mr. Sibal’s proposal sought to recapture the executive’s primacy in judicial appointments.

The Bar Council of India also wanted in.

“… the BCI as well as state bar councils are also feeling that in the matter of appointments of High Court and SC judges, the bars should also have a say and the concerned bar should also be taken into confidence before the recommendations of names for the appointments.”

So it is not the best piece of drafting, but it is quite clear that the Bar Council of India was angling for representation on the proposed National Judicial Commission.

National Judicial Commission?

We’ll get there soon.

Okay, what’s the “collegium system”?

All appointments to the higher judiciary are made by the President of India. The President and the Union executive that the President’s office represents however, have almost no say in these appointments. The choice is made by a collegium of the most senior judges headed by the Chief Justice of India. If the appointment has to be made to a particular High Court, then senior judges of that High Court are also represented in the collegium.

Once this collegium recommends a name to the President of India, the appointment has to be made. The only influence that the executive of the Union or any of the states can bring to bear on the appointments process is by forwarding material relevant to the choice of a potential judge to the collegium. The collegium however, need not pay heed to the executive.

Woah! That sounds an awful lot like judges appointing judges. How did that happen?

During the last two decades of the previous century, the Indian judiciary appropriated for itself the right to appoint judges to the higher judiciary.

See the following extract from Article 124 of the Constitution of India.

 “Every Judge of the Supreme Court shall be appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and seal after consultation with such of the Judges of the Supreme Court and the High Courts in the States as the President may deem necessary for the purpose and shall hold office until he attains the age of sixty-five years:

Provided that in the case of appointment of a Judge other than the Chief Justice, the Chief Justice of India shall always be consulted:”

On a plain reading of this provision, the power to appoint judges to the Supreme Court of India is clearly vested in the President of India. After the third judgment in 1998 however, this provision and Article 217, which deals with the appointment of judges to the High Courts, had been interpreted by the Supreme Court of India to mean the collegium system.

Read the three judges cases on Indiankanoon:

S.P. Gupta v. President of India and Others (1981)

Supreme Court Advocates-on-Record Association and Another v. Union of India (1993)

In the Supreme Court of India (In Re. Appointment and Transfer of Judges) Special Reference Case 1 of 1998 (1998)

While it was the culmination of the judiciary’s assertion of independence after some of the excesses of Indira Gandhi’s regime, the use of the collegium system to appoint judges has coincided with a period of increased focus on corruption and the lack of transparency in the judiciary. Mr. Diwan’s column provides more historical context to the current debate.

Leaving aside questions about exceeding the judicial brief, what is the alternative to the “collegium system”?

The National Commission for Review of the Working of the Constitution (“NCRWC“), which submitted its report in 2002, had recommended the establishment of a National Judicial Commission to make appointments to the higher judiciary.

You can watch Mumbai-based Senior Advocate Iqbal Chagla endorse the National Judicial Commission proposal in this video. His argument is that the collegium system places too much faith in the individuals at the top of the judiciary. Justice Krishna Iyer calls the system “outrageous” here because of the scope it allows for favouritsm and its lack of emphasis on a thorough investigation into the antecedents and social philosophy of a judge. The former Chief Justice of India, P.N. Bhagwati, says here, that he is opposed to the collegium system because it often leads to bargaining.

According to the NCRWC, the National Judicial Commission would have the Chief Justice of India as its Chairman and two of the senior most judges of the Supreme Court, the Union Minister for Law and Justice, and an eminent person appointed by the President after consulting with the Chief Justice of India, as its Members.

Are there other opinions about the constitution of the National Judicial Commission?

In the video linked above, Mr. Chagla acknowledged the “vexed” nature of the question about what the constitution of the National Judicial Commission should be, but suggested that it should comprise the Chief Justice of India, the Chief Justice of any other court, eminent lawyers, the Leader of the House, and the Leader of the Opposition. The latest missives from Mr. Sibal and the Bar Council of India argue for representation from the Union executive and the relevant Bar in the National Judicial Commission.

There is another opinion though, and Mr. Chagla refers to it later in the video  — that the question of who will be part of the National Judicial Commission is not as important as accepting the principle of it. I think Sriram Panchu expressed it best.

“But the important thing is not the composition of the Commission. As important as it is, it is also the processes being followed. Today, I put my faith more in processes than in people.”

 

(Aju John is part of the faculty on myLaw.net.)

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Controversial Madras HC order signals more progress on maintenance rights in “relationships akin to marriage”

Relationships akin to marriageThe times, they are, a-changing. The final draft of Madhya Pradesh’s Women’s Policy, 2013 – 2017 recognises the need to protect the legal rights of partners in live-in relationships. Yesterday’s controversial order of the Madras High Court equated some such relationships to marriage. Justice Karnan’s order protects the rights of women in partnerships outside of marriage to maintenance and the rights of children born to such couples. The Supreme Court too, in Velusamy v. Patchiammal in 2010, progressively interpreted and applied maintenance laws. It is high time the legislative machinery caught up.

Even parts of the West have been slow to accept this change. For instance, in the U.K., neither partner can legally claim maintenance after the end of such a relationship. However, children born in such relationships are guaranteed child support from the party that holds legal guardianship. Perhaps the most pragmatic view has been taken in the Netherlands. The Dutch recognise three kinds of living arrangements — co-habitation agreements, registered partnerships, and marriage. Ending or dissolving any of these may give rise to the right to maintenance and regardless of the relationship between the parents; Dutch law ensures equal parenting to children. It is time to take a leaf out of their books.

It is especially vital to provide access to basic maintenance in India, because of the large numbers without access to mainstream education. The Madhya Pradesh government will set a very good example if its innovative Draft Women’s Policy is sanctioned and implemented with the spirit intact. Similarly, it is also time to think about the innumerable women and children who can now rightfully claim a life with dignity because our courts are recognising change.

(Suhasini Rao Kashyap is part of the faculty on myLaw.net.)

 

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WIPO won’t turn a blind eye to the needs of the Visually Impaired anymore…

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June 19, 2013: Diplomats from 186 member countries of the World Intellectual Property Organisation (“WIPO”) have gathered at Marrakesh in Morocco to negotiate the text of the Treaty on Limitations and Exceptions for Visually Impaired Persons/Persons With Print Disabilities (“the Text”).

The purpose of such a treaty is to ease access to books for the blind, visually impaired, and other print-disabled persons. With ninety per cent of the 314 million blind and visually impaired persons residing in developing countries, the conference is seen as an important occasion to negotiate limitations and exceptions in domestic copyright laws that will allow special provisions for the visually impaired. For instance, the Text permits certain authorised entities to make available to the visually impaired (and other beneficiaries), a copy of a work in an accessible format, without the authorisation of the copyright holder. Further, the Text also provides for the negotiation of licenses with the copyright holders to exchange special formats across borders, or to produce their own materials to make the work accessible to the visually impaired.

The conference is expected to be the culmination of years of discussions on making more works under copyright available for the visually impaired in special formats and accessible versions. India has one of the largest populations of visually impaired persons and has been at the forefront of the discussions on disability rights within intellectual property law. Rahul Cherian, one of the founders of the Inclusive Planet Centre for Disability Law and Policy, had been involved in drafting the Text.

Groups such as the Motion Picture Association of America have vociferously opposed any such limitation or exception in the copyright laws. They have even lobbied for stricter protection for Digital Rights Management technology in the Text, as well as the removal of any references to “fair use” or “fair dealing”.

(Samar Jha is part of the faculty on myLaw.net.)

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New Bill will boost Mental Health Care Law in India

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June 18, 2013: Last Thursday, the Union Cabinet cleared the Mental Health Care Bill. When it was first seen in 2012, the draft law was touted as the great hope for a rights-based approach to mental health care in India.

Generally, there is growing recognition of the burden of mental health problems and its massive economic costs. Apart from the direct costs of mental health care, there are massive indirect costs related to the loss of productivity of individuals who are unwell, the burden that is placed on families with mentally ill members, and the costs borne by justice systems and the wider social welfare systems outside of health care. It is said to constitute ten per cent of the global disease burden and there are also concerns that globalisation and natural disasters have led to an increase. Momentum behind the reform of mental health law, policy, and care has continued to grow around the world and the region in this context.

In May this year, China’s first ever mental health law came into effect, aiming to recognise the human rights of people with a mental illness. The legislation is expected to tackle issues such as the abuse of mentally ill people and unjustified compulsory hospitalisation. Work is also happening across the Asian region to develop partnerships and share best practices in the care of the mentally ill. India is an important part of Asia Australia Mental Health, an initiative that “partners academic, government, health sector community and peak bodies in Asia and Australia to improve mental health services and outcomes in the Asia Pacific region.” One of their projects is a partnership between the University of Melbourne and the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, which has been running pilot community mental health projects around India since 2011.

Mental health is also receiving its share of attention in the Commonwealth. The theme of the Commonwealth Health Ministers Meeting held on May 19, the eve of the Sixty-Fifth World Health Assembly, was “Mental Health: Towards Economic and Social Inclusion”. The statement made by the Chair following that meeting underscored the need for increased mental health care and access to care in low and middle income countries (of which India is one), and the importance of continued reform in mental health care and policy. A key output of the seven-day World Health Assembly was a resolution about the “global burden of mental disorders and the need for a comprehensive, coordinated response from health and social sectors at the country level”, supporting the World Health Organisation’s comprehensive 2013-2020 Mental Health Action Plan.

One of the important aspects of WHO’s Mental Health Action Plan are the targets it proposes, as a way of measuring progress. These include “a 20% increase in service coverage for severe mental disorders and a 10% reduction of the suicide rate in countries by 2020”. Whilst both these indicators would represent impressive progress for India, an examination of the suicide rate in this country is enough to demonstrate the importance of the issues of mental health care and access.  India had a suicide rate of 11.2 per 100,000 in 2011, which amounts to over 135,500 people taking their own lives every year. This is above the world average and, disturbingly, has only been increasing since at least the mid-2000’s. If the WHO’s goal was to be achieved in India, the number of lives saved would be huge, not to mention the relief from the devastation and loss suffered by so many families.

Given its population and presence in the Asian region, India should step up and take a lead role in promoting best-practice mental health care and policy. The changes in approach and policy needed to start this are embodied in the Mental Health Care Bill. It would be ideal if India could go to the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in November 2013 with this new law in the books.

(Tennille Duffy is part of the faculty on myLaw.net.)

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Our advice on SEBI’s Investment Advisers Regulations

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June 17, 2013: On January 21, 2013, the SEBI notified the Securities and Exchange Board of India (Investment Advisers) Regulations, 2013 (“IA Regulations”) to check the number of entities handing out advice to investors in an increasingly sophisticated financial market.

The IA Regulations require any person (bank, non-banking financial company, corporates, and individuals) who wants to act as an investment advisor to first obtain a certificate of registration from the SEBI. Once registered, an investment advisor must make various disclosures to the SEBI, including the fee received for advice and any conflicts of interest. To further address the issue of conflict, investment advisers will also have to separate their advisory services from other activities. An important provision of the IA Regulations is that an investment adviser cannot enter into transactions on its own account contrary to the advice given to clients for at least 15 days after the advice is given. The IA Regulations exempt a few individuals from registration including insurance agents giving investment advice solely on insurance products.

The IA Regulations are a step in the right direction, but there are still some key issues that need resolution, including the commission-based sales of financial products. The exclusion of insurance products from regulations that seek to protect investors is also a worrying loophole. Until there is an effective way of segregating the advisor end from the sales end, the regulator will also find it difficult to control mis-selling in an ever-increasing retail market. Advisors can be flippant, often failing to tailor the advice to the specific financial needs and abilities of a particular customer.

From an investor’s point of view, the best way of taking your financial future and security in your own hands is to take investment advice with a pinch of salt, without relying exclusively on regulatory protection. For now, self-education and attention to paperwork at the time of taking a particular financial product may be the best approach to any investment.

(Deeksha Singh is part of the faculty on myLaw.net.)

To learn more about SEBI Regulations, check out myLaw.net’s online learning programme on Securities Laws.