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Statutory reform alone will not make domestic arbitration more efficient – A closer look at the Law Commission’s 246th Report

SindhuSivakumar_DraftingForArbitrationThat arbitration in India is a costly, time-consuming, and inefficient affair is well known. Excessive court applications, exorbitant arbitrator fees, and respondent recalcitrance are the norm and in many ways, arbitrations do not provide a better and more efficient alternative to the courts for the resolution of commercial disputes. Only if this important objective is achieved can arbitration promote trade, commerce, and investment.

The Law Commission of India, on August 7, 2014, released its 246th report (“Report”), suggesting amendments to the Arbitration and Conciliation Act, 1996 (“ACA”) to make arbitration in India more efficient. With the Union government indicating that it will implement statutory reforms to the ACA soon, let us first look at some aspects of arbitration practice in India that the Report has identified as being at the root of the inefficiency.

No ‘institutional’ arbitration

‘Institutional’ arbitration is carried out under the administration of a specialised institution, like the London Court of International Arbitration (“LCIA”) or the Singapore International Arbitration Centre (“SIAC”) and in accordance with their rules. In ‘ad hoc’ arbitrations, the parties determine all aspects of the arbitration themselves. Institutional arbitrations typically tend to be better regulated and therefore, less inefficient as they involve detailed procedural rules, tighter timelines, reasonable (arbitrator) fee schedules, and administrative oversight.

Exorbitant ‘per sitting’ fees

The fees that are typically charged by arbitrators in Indian ad hoc arbitrations not only drive up costs, but also disincentivises arbitrators from conducting arbitrations speedily (that is, with fewer sittings).

Adjournment culture

Parties seek and receive too many adjournments over the course of the arbitration and arbitrators do not use cost sanctions to check any wasteful or dilatory conduct.

Wide scope of judicial enquiry

The judiciary has unnecessarily widened the scope of judicial enquiry when hearing arbitration applications. For instance, Section 11 appointments have been characterised as a ‘judicial’ function. This has subjected them to the lengthy Special Leave Petition process. Similarly, when hearing set-aside applications under Section 34, awards are re-opened and reviewed on merits based on the ‘public policy’ ground.

Perverse statutory incentives that increase arbitration-related court applications

A party who challenges an award under Section 34 can obtain the statutorily created ‘stay’ of the enforcement of the award under Section 36. This has led to losing parties routinely filing set-aside proceedings to delay the enforcement of an award.

Let us delve deeper into the Report’s recommendations to disentangle arbitration from the courts, specifically its recommendations to reduce the scope of judicial enquiry in arbitration-related court applications.

The first problem is one of ‘judicial overreach’, that is, the trend of Indian courts expanding the scope of judicial review in arbitration-related court proceedings, undercutting the spirit of judicial minimalism in the ACA. The other is the volume of arbitration-related court proceedings in domestic arbitration in India. We will concentrate on the first problem.

Expansive judicial review in arbitration-related court proceedings

There has been a lot of academic and practitioner-led literature in this regard, particularly in the context of:

– Section 5 of the ACA, which has been read down to make it subject to the inherent powers of the civil courts under Sections 9 and 151 of the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908;

– Section 8 of the ACA, which has also been interpreted to allow the courts to get into issues relating to the validity, operability, and enforceability of the arbitration agreement notwithstanding its express exclusion by the drafters of the ACA, worsened by the fact that the courts often encroach upon the jurisdiction of the tribunals and decide substantive issues in dispute when hearing challenges to the arbitration agreement;

– Section 11 of the ACA, under which the arbitrator-appointment function of the courts has been converted from an ‘administrative’ function to a ‘judicial’ decision, which can be subject to lengthy appellate proceedings through the SLP route; and

– Section 34 of the ACA, under which the ‘public policy’ ground for challenging awards has been expanded to such an extent that it is now essentially the same as a regular appeal on law under the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908.

The Report echoes existing popular opinions and recommends on reducing the scope of judicial review in these proceedings. For example, it clarifies that Section 11 appointments should be regarded as administrative acts (not subject to review through the SLP process).

Judicial review of issues related to the validity of arbitration agreements and the arbitrability of disputes

Further, the questions that a court can get into when hearing Section 11 and Section 8 (stay) matters should be limited to issues regarding the existence or validity of the arbitration agreement as well as issues of arbitrability, but not questions regarding the scope of the arbitration agreement or the merits of the dispute (which includes issues relating to the validity of the underlying contract). Essentially, the Report echoes the position taken by the Supreme Court in National Insurance Co. Ltd. v. M/s. Boghara Polyfab Pvt. Ltd. (September 18, 2008) and other such cases.

The Report also clarifies what matters the court can and cannot determine when hearing challenges to the arbitrability or the arbitration agreement under Sections 8 and 11. Again, it echoes what was said in Boghara Polyfab Pvt. Ltd., that is, that the court can decide questions of (i) whether it (the relevant court) has jurisdiction to hear the application; (ii) whether there is a valid and enforceable arbitration agreement; (iii) whether the party who has applied is a party to such an agreement; (iv) whether the claim that is subject to arbitration is a dead claim (barred by limitation) or a live claim; and (v) whether the disputes subject to arbitration have been settled.

Tightening the ‘public policy’ ground used to set aside awards

In relation to Section 34, the Report seeks to tighten the ‘public policy’ ground for setting aside arbitral awards to discourage the courts from interpreting this ground widely and reviewing awards on merits. The Report refers to Renusagar Power Co. Ltd. v. General Electric Co. (1994), where the Supreme Court, in relation to a challenge to the enforcement of a foreign award, interpreted the meaning of the ground, “in conflict with the public policy of India”. The Court held that the term ‘public policy’ meant: (i) fundamental policy of Indian law; (ii) the interests of India; or (iii) justice or morality. The Court categorically held that contravention of law alone will not attract the bar of public policy.

The Report suggests that ‘public policy’ be confined to (i) and (iii) above in the context of international arbitrations seated in India, that is, that challenges based on the award being against the interests of India be disallowed. For domestic awards however, courts should be permitted to check the award for “patent illegality” when there is a challenge under Section 34.

These suggestions are commendable and mostly in line with what practitioners and commentators suggest. However, it is not clear whether they will make a difference in practice, as their application and interpretation remains at the hands of the judiciary, which has traditionally expanded the scope of its role in arbitration-related court hearings.

For example, in relation to challenges to the arbitration agreement, it is not difficult to envisage a situation where a court decides to delve into the substantive issues in dispute, such as the validity of the underlying contract, when it is framed as part of a challenge to the validity of the arbitration agreement (as the lower courts did in Enercon), or declare an agreement “inoperable” when there are pending proceedings before the courts relating to matters subject to the arbitration agreement (as the Delhi High Court did in Vikram Bakshi and Another v. Mc Donalds India Pvt. Ltd. and Others, I.A. No.6207/2014). Likewise, the public policy criteria in Section 34 – “justice or morality” and “fundamental policy of Indian law” can easily be interpreted by the courts in a wide manner. The point is simple. Statutory reforms by themselves do not protect against an interfering judiciary; much of the effectiveness of these reforms depends upon the judicial approach to arbitration-related court proceedings.

The large volume of arbitration-related court applications is another, and perhaps even more important aspect, of the problem of arbitration-court entanglement in India. This not only slows down arbitration, but also adds to the arrears before our already overburdened civil courts. The suggestions in the Report in this regard are quite far reaching and deserve closer attention.

(Sindhu Sivakumar is a solicitor on the rolls of England and Wales and qualified as an advocate in India.)

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Law Commission targets money influence in elections, bats for greater transparency in donations and party accounts

PraptiPatelThe Law Commission of India has suggested sweeping reforms to India’s electoral system in its 255th report, which was submitted to the Union Ministry of Law and Justice on March 12, 2015. The report follows growing public dissatisfaction with the lack of transparency and accountability in India’s electoral system. It targets the influence of money in elections and bats for greater transparency in donations and party accounts. It has also dealt with the issues of “paid news”, independent candidates, the “none-of-the-above” vote and the right to reject, the use of totalisers for counting votes, and the reorganisation of the office of the Election Commission of India. Significant among the previous efforts to examine the challenges of conducting free and fair elections in India have been the 170th report of the Law Commission of India in 1999 and the 2004 report from the Election Commission of India.

Period of election finance regulation

Section 77 of the Representation of People Act, 1951 regulates the amount of money that can be spent by candidates or their agents. The report recommends an amendment to this provision so that the regulation applies for a longer period, that is, from the date of notification of elections to the date of declaration of results. Currently, this section only applied to money spent from the date of nomination to the date to declaration of the results.

More controls on private donations

Calling for stricter laws on donations by private entities to political parties, the report recommends that a company must necessarily pass a resolution at an annual general meeting to authorise a contribution to a political party, instead of simply consulting its Board of Directors, as is the rule currently.

Greater disclosure of donations by candidates

The existing rules on the subject merely require candidates to maintain an account of electoral expenses but the report recommends greater disclosure obligations, requiring candidates to not only maintain an account but also disclose the names, addresses, and PAN card numbers of donors and the amounts they have contributed. It also recommends provisions for the disqualification of a candidate for failing to lodge an account of election expenses and reports of contributions.

Greater disclosure of donations by parties

All parties must be required to disclose all contributions in excess of Rs. 20,000, including aggregate contributions from a single donor amounting to Rs. 20,000. Previously, the provision only required candidates to disclose contributions in excess of Rs. 20,000 without any rule on aggregate contributions, leading to multiple cheques of a smaller amount or cash transactions.

The Election Commission must also prescribe guidelines for a “statement of election expenditure” that should be filed by every party contesting an election within 75 days of the elections to the state assembly and 90 days of the general elections.

Image above is from Al Jazeera English's photostream on Flickr. CC BY-SA 2.0

Image above is from Al Jazeera English’s photostream on Flickr. CC BY-SA 2.0

Audit and public inspection of political party accounts

The report recommends that political parties must compulsorily maintain and submit annual accounts to the Election Commission. These accounts need to be duly audited by a chartered accountant chosen from a panel maintained by the Comptroller and Auditor General. The Election Commission must also be authorised to levy a fine of up to Rs. 50 lakhs if its finds that any particulars in the party’s statements have been falsified. This information must be available for public inspection as framework for such rules exists, currently.

Changes to anti-defection law

An amendment has been recommended to the Tenth Schedule of the Constitution of India by which the power to decide on questions of disqualification on the ground of defection will be with the President of India for the Parliament and the governors of the states for the legislative assemblies, instead of the current practice of decision-making by the Speaker or the Chairman.

Strengthen the Election Commission of India

Currently, the office of the Election Commission of India consists of Chief Election Commissioner (“CEC”) and two Election Commissioners and while the office of the CEC is granted the same level of constitutional protection as that of a judge of the Supreme Court, the removal of the Election Commissioners can be affected by the President. The Law Commission has recommended that all three members receive equal constitutional protection.

The issue of appointment of the CEC and the ECs was also discussed in the report, calling to make the process more consultative by having a statutory provision under which the President must consult the Prime Minister, the Chief Justice of India, and the Leader of Opposition in order to make these appointments. This is a step up from the current practice in which the President takes the decision by himself.

Lastly, the report also recommended the creation of a permanent, independent secretariat.

Paid news and political advertisements

Justice (Retd.) A.P. Shah is the Chairman of the Law Commission of India.

Justice (Retd.) A.P. Shah is the Chairman of the Law Commission of India.

Paid news and political advertisements, the report recommended, must receive recognition in the Representation of People Act. The terms “paying for news”, “receiving payment for news”, and “political advertisement” need to be defined and treated as electoral offences and strict punishment should be prescribed for them. All forms of media should also be required to make disclosures so that disguised political advertisement can be prevented.

Opinion polls

The Report has suggested recommendations to the Representation of Peoples Act to ensure that organisations releasing opinion polls possess the necessary credentials and to make the public aware that such polls are simply forecasts liable to error.

NOTA and the right to reject

The Law Commission is of the opinion that good governance can be achieved by bringing about changes in accountability, transparency, and decriminalisation, and without invalidating elections through the extension of the “none-of-the-above” vote to a right to reject a candidate.

The use of a totaliser for counting votes

The Law Commission has endorsed the Election Commission’s suggestion of introducing a totaliser for counting votes recorded in electronic voting machines. The main reason for this is that the current system of counting votes reveals voting patterns in each polling station, leaving the voters vulnerable to potential harassment and victimisation. If a totaliser is employed, it can connect to voting machines of up to 14 polling stations, which will go a long way in maintaining secrecy and preventing the disclosure of voting patterns.

The recommendation on restriction of government sponsored advertisements

The report has also recommended restrictions on government-sponsored advertisements six months prior to the date of the expiry of the legislature. This means that the party in power cannot use its position and influence as a means of advertising its achievements. An exception has been suggested for advertisements highlighting the government’s poverty alleviation and health-related schemes.

Restrict the number of seats from which a candidate can contest elections

Section 33(7) of the Representation of People Act permits a candidate to contest any election (parliamentary, assembly, biennial council, or by-elections) from up to two constituencies. The Law Commission has recommended an amendment to restrict candidates to one constituency.

Independent candidates

The Law Commission has also called for disallowing independent candidates from contesting elections since it is of the opinion that most of them are “dummy/non-serious candidates”, only serving to increase confusion among voters.

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Ringing out the old – identifying and removing deadwood from India’s statute books

SmritiParsheera_SumathiChandrashekaran_JusticeReform

India has many laws that are over a hundred years old. Several of them have lost their relevance over time for various reasons, either due to a change in circumstances, or because the original objectives that these laws served have been achieved, or because they have been subsumed under more recent legislation. The old laws however, continue to remain in the statute book, causing confusion by adding to the ever-expanding maze of statutes that govern us, and creating scope for abuse.

Weeding out obsolete laws has become a priority for the present government. In August 2014, it set up a committee to identify obsolete laws and make recommendations for their repeal. How have we fared till now and what else needs to be done to put a streamlined process in place for spring-cleaning these laws?

The age of laws in India

The list of central laws maintained by the Union Law Ministry features 1,138 current statutes without taking into account the large number of Appropriation Acts and Amendment Acts that are also part of the statute book. As estimated by the P.C. Jain Commission in 1998, there are also about 25,000 to 30,000 state laws.

An examination of the ages of the existing central laws brings out some interesting facts. Of the 1,138 listed laws, 298 date back to the pre-Independence era. 140 of them are from the 1800s. While vintage by itself does not signify redundancy – the Indian Contract Act, 1872 and the Indian Penal Code, 1860 are clear examples – it does signal a need to rethink the relevance of these laws in light of changing social and economic contexts. In the case of state laws, the absence of a comprehensive database makes it difficult to conduct a similar assessment of their number and antiquity.

Since many of the pre-Independence laws also fall under subjects that are now within the exclusive legislative competence of the states, state legislatures are responsible for their repeal. Better co-ordination is therefore required between the Union and the states on this issue.

Identifying dead wood

Of the types of laws that are in need for immediate repeal, the most obvious are the Amendment Acts, (that is, laws that were originally intended to amend or change the text of a parent statute, and which changes have already been incorporated) and Appropriation Acts (that is, laws that were meant to operate for a fixed period that has since expired).

LawsRecommendedforRepeal_LawCommissionofIndia_v3

The Law Commission has undertaken a number of exercises to help identify the ‘dead wood’ that needs to be removed from the statute book. The 1998 PC Jain Commission also made recommendations on this subject (See table below). While many of the identified laws have already been repealed, 253 statutes remain, which have been identified for repeal, but on which action is still awaited from the government (Appendix II, Law Commission of India, 248th Report).

Reports-prior-to-2014-on-the-repeal-of-obsolete-laws

In 2014, the Law Commission undertook the detailed exercise of classifying all laws into 49 subject-categories and then identifying those laws that were in need of repeal. The four-part series of interim reports released by the Commission identifies a total of 265 laws that need to be repealed. The image below represents for each decade, the number of existing laws and the number of laws that have been recommended for repeal by the Law Commission.

Following these reports, the Legislative Department at the Ministry of Law and Justice sought the views of various departments regarding the proposed repeals. Two Repealing and Amending Bills have already been placed before the Parliament to give effect to the repeal of 126 laws that have “either ceased to be in force, have become obsolete or their retention as separate Acts is unnecessary”. Almost all of these are Amendment Acts.

Spring-cleaning the statute book

How do we ensure that the statute book keeps pace with changing times? One option followed by countries like United States and Canada is to have a “sunset clause” which sets out upfront, an expiry date for a law. In practice however, sunset clauses are often treated as a “snooze button” with the laws being extended as a matter of course. The more immediate solution may be to mandate the Law Commission or another body to undertake a statutory review exercise on a regular basis. This is crucial for both central as well as state laws. However, our experience from the past has been that such reviews do not always lead to their logical end, mainly because of legislative inaction. While introducing any system of regular review therefore, it is necessary to ensure that central and state legislative departments are made responsible for formulating draft bills based on these suggestions. Finally, of course, it is up to the Parliament and the State Legislatures to recognise their responsibility to clear the statute book of redundant and conflicting laws.

(Sumathi Chandrashekaran and Smriti Parsheera are lawyers working in the area of public policy.)